目前日期文章:200801 (29)

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從交完期末報告到今天
放了半個月的假
這段時間非常頹廢
不過每年好像都會這樣不頹廢不行
打球看日劇掛網吃吃喝喝睡大覺
呼~真是過癮

明天要繼續頹廢~~

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58
This passage is outstanding because it illustrates how concrete the poet was in presenting his imagery and how under circumstances of absolute distress, Tu Fu, the man, could well afford to joke with tiny boys and girls. This sense of humor, which was intimately a part of his personality, and a philosophy of living which he had cherished ever since his boyhood days, was also visible in his other poems written during this time. While his long poem, “Northward Travels,” especially in its humorous elements, reminds us of the poetry of Tso Ssŭ; Tu Fu’s shorter poems of this period, especially the three poems entitled, “Chiang Ts’un,” or “Chiang Village,” resemble the poems of T’ao Yüan-ming. Both T’ao and Tu were amply fortified by their appreciation of the humorous in adverse circumstances. Thus fortified, even hunger and penury would not lead to loss of mind, on one hand, and hunger and penury would not lead to loss of mind, on one hand, and degeneracy, on the other.

59
His trip to Loyang and his observations of the ruins and destitution there inspired him to write numerous narrative poems in which were recorded the different facets of the scars of warfare. Among these masterly poems on social problems, which have been collectively labeled New Lyrical Ballads, probably the most admired was “The Sheriff of Shih-hao Village.” It was a short narrative poem describing how a sheriff was recruiting able-bodied men in a small community. He came to one family where an old man had made his escape by climbing over the yard wall and the aged woman left behind to plead her case with the sheriff.

60
The literary technique of this poem was unique and surprising. When a draft officer resorting to compulsion decided to kidnap an aging grandmother, the other aspects of social and political injustice may well be imagined.

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55
Tu Fu’s most unreserved criticism of contemporary political and social corruption was expressed in an even greater poem, the poem in which he described his travels from the capital to Fênghsien County. This poem, formerly subjected to misdating and misinterpretation, was really not written before the eruption of the An Lu-shan rebellion. Although, when this poem was written, the T’ang emperor, Hsüan-tsung, and his imperial consort, Yang Kuei-fei, were wintering in comfort and luxury in the Hua Ch’ing Palace, a mountain resort in Li Shan away from the capital, the T’ang empire was far from being the utopian society that some of the court circles thought it was. Tu Fu, on arriving home, had heard of the tragic news of his youngest son’s starvation. His sense of deep personal bereavement immediately reminded him of the many injustice to which he had been subjected and the social iniquities which he had seen with his own eyes. It had also reminded him of the excessive luxury and unjustifiable extravagance he had witnessed at the winter capital through which hi had traveled on his trip home. Further restraint being now beyond him, he gave full expression to his feelings in this unprecedented indictment in the form of a long narrative entitled, “On My Way to Fênghsien County.”
杜甫將其對政治社會的腐敗墮落最不加保留的批評寫成傑作,這首詩寫於他自長安行旅至奉先縣的途中。這首以往被標錯年代且被錯誤解讀的詩,其實並不早於安祿山之亂。但在這首詩問世之後,玄宗與楊貴妃仍在遠離國都的驪山勝地華清宮奢華地過冬。唐朝距離權貴們所以為的烏托邦其實很遠。杜甫一回到家,就聽聞么兒餓死的慘劇。個人深刻的喪親之痛提醒他曾蒙受的以及親眼所見的社會不公。這也讓他想起他在國都的冬天所見證的極度奢華與鋪張浪費,於是他啟程回家。深深的壓抑,使得他將滿腔情緒用長篇敘事體寫出空前的控訴,詩名為:〈自京赴奉先縣詠懷五百字〉。

56
The war drums were soon sounded in Yüyang, the center of the An Lu-shan rebellion, and Tu Fu was to enter his second period of literary production which ended with his relocation in Szechuan in 765. In this period of great confusion and reversal of the scales of value, Tu Fu’s powers of observation became keener, his art more realistic, his views more profound, and the vistas opened up in his poetry more comprehensive and humane. In this regard he was a forerunner of the poet with a social conscience.
當安祿山之亂的大本營漁陽響起戰鼓,杜甫也進入文學創作的第二階段,此階段直到765年移居四川之後才結束。由於此時期他的價值標準大為混亂與顛覆,使得觀察力更加敏銳,藝術表現更趨近現實,視野更加深遠。而且他詩中對人道關懷的展望更加開闊了。
57
When he was marooned in Ch’angan he was the different facets of the tragedy and plight of the imperial capital. These impressions were organized and recorded in two of his most famous poems. One was the “Lament of the River Bank” (“Ai Chiang-t’ou”) and the other was “Lamenting of the Imperial Heir” (“Ai Wâng-sun”). The first was a poem of twenty lines in which the poet described the Ch’üchiang, or the Winding River which skirted the city of Ch’angan. The second presented the sole remnant of the imperial family as an imaginary literary vehicle for the presentation in dialogue form of all the destruction and cruelty brought upon the imperial clan. By elaboration one episode in the life of an individual, the poet succeeded in recreation the general atmosphere surrounding the tragic fate of an imperial clan facing extinction. This technique of using a narrow canvas in suggesting the contents of a whole panorama was a technique begun by the writers of the ancient ballads but not brought to perfection until it was touched by the genius of Tu Fu. His concentration on one episode and, through that episode, his ability to create a well-rounded but unique impression, furnished the most effective means to arouse an intense emotional response on the part of his readers. This technique was not only consistently utilized by Tu Fu himself in his later narrative poems but also adopted by such leading poets of later generations as Po Chü-i (also Po Chü-yi) and Chang Chin in similar compositions. Thus was formed the common technique for the so-called New Lyrical Ballads or hsin yüeh-fu. Upon Tu Fu’s arrival at the emergency capital of Fênghsiang in 756, he had the written permission of the new emperor to go on a trip to Fuchou (in present-day Szechuan Province) to visit with his family. The experiences of this trip were woven into a long poem entitled “Pei Chêng” or “Northward Travels.” This poem was apparently an artistic effort beloved by the poet. The artistic attainment of this poem, however, was not as great as the labors that the poet had put into it. On the other hand, in the midst of many stretches which are prosaic descriptions in verse, the poem sparkles with a rare sense of humor and insight into human nature with contrast sharply with and palliate the innate feeling of tragedy.
當他被放逐於長安,看到首都不同層面的悲慘與困境,就把這些印象組織、記錄成兩首著名的作品〈哀江頭〉與〈哀王孫〉。前一首有二十句,描寫的是長安城緣的曲江;第二首用虛幻的比喻來敘寫皇室遺族,藉由對話形式表現出皇室宗族所遭遇的毀滅與慘狀。精心描繪詩中主角經歷的事件,詩人成功地重塑了皇族面臨絕滅的臨場氣氛。使用有限的背景來聯想成全面的描繪,這樣的手法雖可溯及古詩人,卻一直要等到杜甫的天分去發揮才得以完全。不只在場景上很專注,杜甫也藉由這些畫面意象,使他有能力創造出完美且獨特的技巧,有效地喚起讀者強烈的情緒反應。


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52
In those days of apparent peace and prosperity, the pride of the world was the powerful Yang family. The main pillar of the Yang house was the beautiful Yang Yühuan, the imperial consort elevated to the position of kuei-fei, or noble consort. Her cousin, Yang Kuo-chung, had been made prime minister and her two sisters had been ennobled the Princess of Kuo and the Princess of Ch’in. It was the sparkling brilliance of these girls of the Yang family which supplied Tu Fu with the theme of his “Li-jên Hsing” or “The Ballad of the Beauties.”
在國勢鼎盛的時期,最為驕傲的要算是楊家人。主要的臺柱便是美人楊玉環,從宮女晉升為貴妃。他的堂兄楊國忠被立為宰相,兩個妹妹也分別被封為虢國夫人與秦國夫人。這些光鮮亮麗的楊家姊妹們給了杜甫〈麗人行〉的題材:

麗人行 杜甫

53
In satirizing the excessive power of the imperial relatives, the poet clearly maintained large measures of artistic restraint. He could have but did not say more. In spite of the semblance of peace and prosperity latent troubles all along the frontier were already obvious. Disturbances of a political as well as a military nature were being created by the Khitan, His, and Turkic tribes in the north and by the Turfans in the west, each ravaging and plundering frontier towns, periodically necessitating many a punitive expedition. For the year 751 a major military defeat of the Chinese imperial forces was registered in their attempt to quell a rebellion of barbarian tribes in Yünnan. The fatalities involved had mounted to sixty thousand. When imperial rescripts were issued to the citizens of the two metropolitan districts and to Honan and Hopei for volunteers for rebuilding the expeditionary force, popular reaction was completely negative. Consequently the prime minister, Yang Ku-chung, instructed the agencies of the imperial censorate to resort to pressure and violence in obtaining recruits, and injustices and corruption became widespread. The resentment of the common people which Tu Fu had witnessed was well expressed in his “Ballad of the war Chariot.” When we compare this poem with Li Po’s “Fighting Sough of the City” we see clearly that Li Po’s was an imitation of ancient ballads and Tu Fu’s poem was an indictment of current politics. Indictments as bold and unadorned as this were something new since the age of the Book of Song. In this light we might say that Tu Fu was a founder of a new tradition. Even some of the folk songs and literary ballads descriptive of the destructiveness of war do not measure up to the directness and clarity that Tu Fu had exhibited in accusing the government and even the emperor of misrule:
(〈麗人行〉中)雖然杜甫竭盡所能地諷刺皇親國戚,他還是在很大程度上清楚的謹守藝術限制。他可以說得更多,但是沒有。儘管外表看起來和平繁盛,國境一帶的潛在危機早已明顯可知。政治紛擾以及兵戎不斷,起自於北方的契丹、奚、突厥(回紇),以及西方的吐番,他們週而復始的蹂躪、掠奪邊城,使得朝廷必須定期懲罰性地征討。西元751年大唐軍的一場戰役,表現出鎮壓雲南吐番的企圖心,死傷達六萬人。當朝廷的敕令下達長安、洛陽以及河南、河北,招募自願者以重建遠征軍,大眾的反應是非常消極的。結果,宰相楊國忠下令巡察史(刺史?)訴諸脅迫、暴力的手段來徵兵,不公正(黑心)、貪腐廣泛可見。杜甫把親眼所見人民的憤慨之情寫在〈兵車行〉中,把這首詩拿來跟李白的〈戰城南〉相比較,無論是李白對古樂府的模仿,或者杜甫對政治現況的控訴都清晰可見。如此直露無華的控訴乃是自《詩經》以來的一項創新,從這個角度來看,杜甫可說是新傳統的奠基者。即使是某些描寫戰爭慘狀的民歌或文學詩歌,都不如杜甫在譴責統治者亂政時所展現得那般率直、清晰。

54
This mention of Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty to dull the edges of criticism against the reigning T’ang emperor did not carry boldness to the extreme. In “The Ballad of the Beauties” the Princesses of Kuo and Ch’in were forthrightly mentioned by name.
杜甫用漢武帝來暗指唐代君王並不算非常勇敢。卻在〈麗人行〉裡直率地把虢國夫人、秦國夫人給指了出來。

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49(251)
Even when he was describing his own impoverishment he never failed to see the humorous side of poverty. In the group of three poems entitled “Sighs During an Autumn Rain,” hi wrote:
儘管他描述著自己的貧困,他看待的角度從來不失幽默。在〈秋雨歎三首〉中,寫道:

秋雨歎三首 杜甫
雨中百草秋爛死,階下決明顏色鮮。
著葉滿枝翠羽蓋,開花無數黃金錢。
涼風蕭蕭吹汝急,恐汝後時難獨立。
堂上書生空白頭,臨風三嗅馨香泣。

50(251)
During this first period of his literary activity he was in the prime of manhood and extremely eager to make his contributions to society. In moments of complete frustration he would express feelings of impatience with the lack of justice and would consider giving up everything to become a hermit.
在他文學活動的第一個時期正處於壯年,極度渴望對社會有所貢獻。幾次徹底的挫敗之後,他便用一種欠缺公正的態度急切地表達他的情感,並且想考慮放棄一切當個隱士算了。

去矣行 杜甫
君不見韝上鷹,一飽則飛掣。
焉能作堂上燕,啣泥附炎熱。
野人曠蕩無靦顏,豈可久在王侯間。
未試囊中餐玉法,明朝且入藍田山。

51(251)
The allusion to the jade diet was to Li Yu of the Later Wei Dynasty, who was said to have pulverized seventy pieces of jade for his daily diet to ensure physical immortality. The best jade was said to have come from the Blue Field Mountains. That was why Tu Fu was eager to go there for his experiment. Although he had no cooked rice, he would think of living on jade. This was a typical example of how Tu Fu would suggest disapproval of hermitage and at the same time distill from it any possible fun. It is this spirit of positivism that distinguished him from his eminent friend, Li Po.
詩中指的是後魏李預,據說他曾椎玉七十枚成屑,日日服用以確保長生不老。相傳最好的玉產自藍田山,這就是為什麼杜甫想要到那裡去試驗看看。沒米煮飯,但卻想吃玉過活。這是個典型的例子說明了為什麼杜甫暗示了隱士生活之不可行,同時他從中提煉出任何可能的嘲諷。這就是杜甫獨特的實證精神(正面思維),有別於他的知名好友李白。

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46(250)
Tu Fu’s poetry shows three stages of development and progress in chronological order: (1) poems written before the great rebellion, (2) poems written during the rebellion and its aftermath, and (3) poems written toward the end of his life after his relocation in Chengtu.
杜甫的詩依次呈現了三個時期的發展:一、安史之亂之前的詩;二、叛亂期間與災後期間的詩;三、晚年移居成都之後所寫的詩。

47(250)
Tu Fu’s life in the first period was that of “donkeyback riding for thirty years.” Even after his elevation to an official post following his submission of the three fu compositions, his poverty seemed to have persisted. But in spite of his poverty ge always retained his bountiful humor, the kind of humor which was ingrained in him and was never consciously or artificially cultivated. Frequently, while the themes of his poetry were serious in the extreme, a few lines would precariously border on the pattern of limericks.
杜甫在第一時期的生活就是所謂那「騎驢十三載」。就算他在獻上三大禮賦之後升了官,他還是的貧窮依然如故。儘管貧窮,他還是保有充分的幽默感,而這種深植於心中的(根深柢固的)幽默感並不是有意識地或者刻意地培養出來的。當詩中的主題非常嚴肅的時候,他經常採用一種臨界於(幾近於)打油詩的方式來寫作。

48(250)
While he was facing poverty while holding a lowly position in Ch’angan, his most intimate friend was Chêng Ch’ien, a doctor in the Kuang-wên Kuan, or the Hall of Liberal Arts. Between the two of them there were frequent exchanges of verses written in mutual friendly ridicule, of which the following is an exmple:
儘管在長安的小官職不能使他脫離貧窮,杜甫還是結交了鄭虔這樣的知心朋友,鄭虔是廣文館博士。兩人時常以贈答以詩,詩句中常流露出朋友之間的揶揄,試看一下的例子:

 戲簡鄭廣文虔,兼呈蘇司業源明 杜甫
 廣文到官舍,繫馬堂階下。醉則騎馬歸,頗遭官長罵。
 才名四十年,坐客寒無氈。賴有蘇司業,時時與酒錢。

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43(249)
At the end of the reign of T’ien Pao (755) he traveled to a distant county, Fênghsien, to see his wife and family:
天寶末年(755),杜甫旅行到遙遠的奉先去探望她的妻子和家人:
自京赴奉先縣詠懷五百字 杜甫
入門聞豪咷,幼子餓已卒。

44(249)
It was in sorrowful circumstances like this that he sharpened his powers of observation and widened his care of the family into a grave concern for the state. Pouring out his mind without reservation he wrote a long poem of a hundred lines entitled, “On My Way from the Capital to Fênghsien County”—a poem in which he frankly unfolded the gloomy picture of the hard facts of life below the veneer of the so-called K’ai Yüan and T’ien Pao prosperity. Even before the ink of this poem had dried, general disorder accompanying the great rebellion had reached the state of absolute despair. Toward the end of the year Loyang had fallen, By the following summer in 756 the strategic pass of T’ungkuan was captured by the rebels. The emperor had no sooner left Ch’angan in great haste than the capital itself capitulated. A month later, a crown prince ascended the throne in Lingwu County to be known to posterity as Emperor Su Tsung. After resettling his family in a more secure place, the poet hurried to the emergency capital but was kidnapped on his way so that he kek not arrive at Fêng-hsien until the following year. Thenceforth, he busied himself partly by following the court in flight until it was back at Ch’angan, and partly by filling appointments away from the capital. He visited Loyang in ruins in 758 where he stayed for a while and wrote numerous poems—some strongly emotional—recording historic facts of the age.

45(250)
After relocating himself in county after county as a result of rapid official transfers, he seemed to have been suspended by his superiors, which fact aggravated his problems of poverty even more. In 760 he traveled southward from Shensi Province in the north to present-day Szechuan Province where he lived in Chengtu from 760 to 765. It was during this short period of comparative rest that his talents were appreciated by the military commissioner, Yen Wu, who recommended Tu Fu’s appointment as his staff adviser with the accompanying rank of counselor of the department of works, a position which gave rise to a popular appellation by which the poet is frequently indentified--Tu Kungpu or Tu of the Ministry of Public Works. From 765 to 770 he again found himself busy with constant relocation in different parts of Szechuan Province and along the Yangtze River eastward to the present-day Honan Province, where he died in Hêngchow at the age of 58.

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寫於2007年10月,午後416教室
2008年第二屆喜菡文學獎(現代詩)入圍

--
滴答!滴答!鐘躲在牆後思索著
關於迴圈的哲學問題
風在葉隙繞了幾回呢?
抱歉,這問題不太入流
哲學家不便回答

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第十八屆西子灣文學獎現代詩佳作 2008/5/6

或許是我永遠也不會經驗的冒險 2008/1/20

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突然有一天
血液經歷一陣亂流
身體分裂出另一個體溫
孵育著你的成長宣言

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39-2是因為編碼時漏了一段

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39-2(247)
The pioneer, and the greatest representative of this new age was Tu Fu, with many new allies and followers to extend and magnify the new literary movement in the latter half of the eighth and the first half of the ninth centuries. Thus a most brilliant period in the history of Chinese literature was created.
杜甫是新時代的先驅,也是最好的典型,他有許多新的支持者與追隨者來壯大八世紀末九世紀初的新文學運動。因此創造出中國文學史上最為光輝的時代。

40(247)
We might be justified in saying that Chinese literature of the seventh century was the literature of childhood in which poetry consisted of games and play of a high order. At the imperial court and in the mansions of the aristocrats occasional poetry played even a positively inferior role. The literature of the K’ai Yüan and T’ien Pao reigns was only a literature of adolescence. In spite of the stylistic liberation, the contents of literature were still on the whole shallow and superficial, consisting largely only of the singing of heavy drinkers and self-appointed hermits. These decades might be justifiably labeled as shêng T’ang of the high tide of T’ang with reference to peace and prosperity in the political and social scene. From the vantage point of literature, however, the period of greatest glory came later and it was not until after the rebellion that full maturity in literature was attained. From the middle years of Tu Fu to the death of Po Chü-yi in 846, both prose and poetry embarked upon the highway of realism, returning from the romantic celestial realms to the world of man.
我們可以拿很多的舊事陳言來證明(合理化)七世紀的中國文學處於少年階段,在那個時期的詩都是上層社會人士的遊戲之作。宮廷中的貴族豪宅中,偶而會有詩作,但扮演的是明顯卑微的角色。開元天寶年間的文學,也只是處於青春期。儘管文體解放了,文學的內容仍舊是膚淺的(缺乏深度),大部分只歌頌酩酊的醉漢以及自命為隱士之人。這幾十年無疑地標誌了和平繁榮政治清明的盛唐風景。然而,從文學的觀點來看,最為榮耀的時期卻在之後才到來,直到安祿山之亂後,文學的才達到充分的成熟。從杜甫中年到白居易卒(846),散文與唐詩走向現實主義的大道,從浪漫的天上國度回到了人間。

41(248)
Tu Fu (712-770), also known by the courtesy name, Tzǔ-mei, was a native of the county of Hsiangyang in present-day Honan Province. His grandfather, Tu Shên-yen, was a famous writer in the latter part of the seventh century. In his youth, Tu Fu had to face greatly reduced family resource and was compelled to undertake extensive travels along the China coast, which travels widened his intellectual horizons and made a lasting impression on his plastic young mind as he recalled later in a poem addressed to Wei Tsi:
杜甫(712-720),字子美,生於襄陽,即今河南省內。他的祖父杜審言是七世紀後期著名的詩人。杜甫年少時就面臨家道中落,不得已開始沿著中國沿岸旅行到各地。旅行擴大了他的知識水準,並在他年輕可塑的心靈中留下持久的印象,因此在他晚後寫給韋濟的詩中這麼回憶著:

奉贈韋左丞丈二十二韻 杜甫
紈褲不餓死,儒冠多誤身。丈人試靜聽,賤子請具陳。
甫昔少年日,早充觀國賓。讀書破萬卷,下筆如有神。
賦料揚雄敵,詩看子建親。李邕求識面,王翰願卜鄰。
自謂頗挺出,立登要路津。致君堯舜上,再使風俗淳。
此意竟蕭條,行歌非隱淪。騎驢三十載,旅食京華春。
朝扣富兒門,暮隨肥馬塵。殘杯與冷炙,到處潛悲辛。
主上頃見徵,欻然欲求伸。青冥卻垂翅,蹭蹬無縱鱗。
甚愧丈人厚,甚知丈人真。每於百僚上,猥誦佳句新。
竊效貢公喜,難甘原憲貧。焉能心怏怏,只是走踆踆。
今欲東入海,即將西去秦。尚憐終南山,回首清渭濱。
常擬報一飯,況懷辭大臣。白鷗沒浩蕩,萬里誰能馴。

42(249)
At thirty-eight he submitted three fu compositions on the three imperial ceremonies after the reception of which he was offered an official post which he declined in preference for another minor position. Despite his humble circumstances, he befriended other poor poets like Chêng Ch’ien who were all concerned with the degeneration political and social situation. It was during these years that he wrote his poems of satire such as “The Ballad of the Beauties” and “The Ballad of the Was Chariots.” That he long remained in obscurity was probably a great blessing in disguise, for in his humble circumstances of riding donkeyback for thirty years he not only watched at close range but also actually participated in the deprivations of the masses. Hence, he was able to discover the latent dangers with which the T’ang Empire was faced before the actual volcanic eruptions, although in conformity with the taste of the time, he also was a member of the fraternity of the drinking poets. Even then, however, in his drinking songs, people heard his voice of sorrow:
杜甫38歲時曾在三場宮廷典禮中獻上三篇賦作(fu),當他得到接見、被任命另一個小官職,他卻優先予以婉拒。儘管杜甫處境卑微,他仍然與其他窮苦的詩人往來,像是鄭虔這般擔憂著政治社會衰敗的人。正是在這幾年間,杜甫寫了幾首諷刺詩,例如〈儷人行〉、〈兵車行〉。他長期保持著沉鬱,很可能是深刻祈求的假裝,因為在他騎驢三十載的卑微處境中,他不只看得很仔細,也實際上就是苦難群眾的一份子。因此,雖然他也符合了當時代人的口味,也是好酒詩人之一,卻得以在叛亂猛然爆發之前,發現唐朝正面臨著潛在危險。可是,儘管如此,在他的飲酒詩(〈醉時歌〉)中,人們聽到了他悲傷的聲音:

醉時歌(贈廣文館博士鄭虔) 杜甫
諸公袞袞登台省,廣文先生官獨冷。甲第紛紛厭粱肉,廣文先生飯不足。
先生有道出羲皇,先生有才過屈宋。德尊一代常轗軻,名垂萬古知何用。
杜陵野客人更嗤,被褐短窄鬢如絲。日糴太倉五升米,時赴鄭老同襟期。
得錢即相覓,沽酒不復疑。忘形到爾汝,痛飲真吾師。
清夜沈沈動春酌,燈前細雨簷花落。但覺高歌有鬼神,焉知餓死填溝壑。
相如逸才親滌器,子雲識字終投閣。先生早賦歸去來,石田茅屋荒蒼苔。
儒術於我何有哉,孔丘盜跖俱塵埃。不須聞此意慘愴,生前相遇且銜杯。

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37(246)
The sudden arrival of the catastrophe had awakened only a relatively small group from their dreams of a perfect and orderly society. Many others strained their literary efforts in praise of the reigning dynasty. For those who had stopped dreaming, however, the universe had acquired an appearance of seriousness and their own philosophies of life had become profoundly realistic. This difference in response was naturally traceable to differences in personal temperament. Even a casual look at new literary trends after the rebellion, however, would convince us that they were, by and large, the products of a completely changed age. In Tu Fu’s own words:
這突如其來的大禍,只從唐朝社會完美而井然有序的美夢中喚醒了相當少數的一群人。許多人仍舊沈醉於紙醉金迷當中,還有許多人竭盡心力地用文學來讚揚國朝統治者。然而,對那些已經停止作夢的人來說,天下人們已經學到了事情的嚴重性,他們的生活哲學變得深切符合實際。這些不同的反應,自然可以追溯自每個人性格上的不同。可是,即便是不經心的去看戰亂之後的新文學潮流,一般來說,我們相信那潮流就是時代全面改變的產物。在杜甫的詩句中:

憶昔 杜甫
憶昔開元全盛日,小邑猶藏萬家室。
稻米流脂粟米白,公私倉廩俱豐實。
九州道路無豺虎,遠行不勞吉日出。
齊紈魯縞車班班,男耕女桑不相失。
宮中聖人奏雲門,天下朋友皆膠漆。
百餘年間未災變,叔孫禮樂蕭何律。
豈聞一絹直萬錢,有田種穀今流血。
洛陽宮殿燒焚盡,宗廟新除狐兔穴。
傷心不忍問耆舊,復恐初從亂離說。
小臣魯鈍無所能,朝廷記識蒙祿秩。
周宣中興望我皇,灑血江漢身衰疾。

38(246)
Changes in literature thus reflect the transition to a new age. Literature of the latter half of the eighth century was cast in an entirely different mold from that of its predecessor. This is most clearly seen in the seriousness of attitude and the profundity of vision of the writers. Literature was no longer a pastime or a ladder to the imperial official hierarchy. Moreover, it was no longer a form of entertainment supplying the court musicians with lyrics for the amusement of the aristocracy. Nor did it consist in ventures into the unreal by imagining the toilsome life of military service, or by projecting pictures of an earthly paradise of the immortals. Leaders in literature now began to face life seriously—not imaginary life but real life—the suffering of the masses, problems of social change, challenges of state and government, and the realistic aspirations and fears of actual living.
文學的改變如此反映了新時代的變遷。十八世紀後半葉的文學從原有的前人模子,被澆鑄到完全不同的模子裡。這可以清楚地從作家嚴肅的態度和視野的深度來得知。文學不再是娛樂或者通往政治核心的階梯。更甚者,亦不再是為了滿足貴族逸樂而提供歌詞給宮廷音樂家的娛樂形式。(文學的價值)不是在於想像征旅行役的虛假冒險,也不是仙人們人間天堂的投射。文學領導者自此開始認真的面對生命,不是想像的而是真實的生命,包含了人民的苦難、社會變遷的問題、國家政治的挑戰,以及現實生活中的理想抱負和生活中恐懼。

39(247)
Traditional historians of T’ang literature have failed to stress this sudden change on the Chinese scene and the incongruities of the reigns of K’ai Yüan and T’ien Pao when they refer to the middle decades of the eighth century as an indivisible unit. Actually the line of division made by the rebellion of 755 cut deep into the century. What had preceded it was a literature singing praises to peace and prosperity with romantic contents creating man-made scenes, whereas what followed it was a literature saturated with pain and suffering reflecting a disintegrating society—a literature deeply characterized by an all-pervasive realism. This new age was no longer the age of lighthearted songs sung to the accompaniment of music. What had been known as yüeh fu, songs written in imitation of the ones sung by the Music Bureau, had done its work as an effective training program in inducing the writers to attempt liberation in technique and in spirit. Instead of subjecting themselves to further discipline, the new poets were now eager to create, hence, we have what was publicly heralded as “the new yüeh fu”—a kind of new poetry to demonstrate the new life under a new age.
傳統研究唐代文學的史家在提到八世紀中開元天寶這幾十年是個不可分的單元時,常沒有去強調這場巨變,以及兩個時期間的不一致。
事實上以755年開始的安祿山之亂為分隔線,可以深深地切分這個世紀。前者是一部用詩人浪漫文筆所創造的景象來歌頌太平盛世的文學,然而後者是一部充滿痛苦與磨難以反映社會分崩離析的文學,換句話說,後者的文學特徵就是無所不在的寫實主義。這個新時代不再是無憂無慮為配樂而歌的時代。我們所知的樂府詩,原是模仿樂府官署已有之樂,它有效引發詩人試著在技巧與精神當中尋求解放。與其讓自己委身於嚴格的紀律(格律),新一代詩人們渴望能夠創作,因此我們可以公開的預言「新樂府」的出現——一種在新時代之下說明新生活的新詩體。

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34(246)
We have seen how Li Po was intent on being himself—a hermit poet satisfying himself by creative activities and paying no attention to versification as a short cut to official honors. Completely dedicated to personal freedom and glorifying the liberating influence of the beauties of nature, he was unprepared to meet the challenges of political confusion and social injustice. As a consequence, the rebellion of 755 and its upsetting effects deepened his decadence into pessimism.

35(246)
To Tu Fu, the shock of the rebellion was equally acute. Thus he sang:
歷歷開元事,分明在眼前。
無端盜賊起,忽已歲時遷。

36(246)
When the tumultuous mutiny led by An Lu-shan in 755 broke out and spread into a huge conflagration, mid-eighth-century China, which had been rhapsodizing in the plenty and peace of an age of prosperity, was caught completely unprepared. The northern half of the empire was soonest aflame, both the capital at Ch’angan and the co-capital Loyang fell, and the dynastic superstructure was on the verge of complete disintegration. It was not until the inadequacy of the dynasty to cope with the situation had been clearly demonstrated and the assistance of alien tribes had been secured that the rebellion was subdued after years of strenuous effort. Even then, the prestige and power of the central government could not be restored and the peace and prosperity of the earlier reigns could not be revived.
當安祿山之亂激烈地爆發並且蔓延出一片大火,這個大量被描述成太平盛世的八世紀中葉的中國,卻是一點準備都沒有。帝國的北半部分很快地燃起熊熊火舌,首都長安與洛陽盡皆失陷,王朝的架構處於崩解的邊緣。一直要到面臨了如此情況,王朝的缺陷才清楚地顯露出來;而且經過了多年艱苦的奮鬥,一直到取得了外族幫忙,(王室)才有把握將叛亂弭平。即使如此,中央政府的威望以及先前的繁榮盛景,也都不能再恢復了。

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31(242)
Li Po’s gifts as the brightest star in the early T’ang galaxy lay in three traits: first, his discernment of the futility of superficial embellishments in traditional poetry, which he tried to correct by fully exploiting the possibilities of folk song. Second, while other poets were mindful of the earthly rewards which could be derived from successful versification, Li Po was entirely free from all such utilitarian considerations. In the third place, while most of his contemporaries would make a special effort to put up fronts of patriotism and heroism, Li Po was always forthright enough to reveal his own feelings and reactions unashamedly and unadornedly.
作為初唐傑出詩人當中最閃亮的明星,李白的才氣具有三項特點:第一,他洞察到傳統詩中無用的表面裝飾,並試著充分利用民歌來修正之。第二,儘管其他詩人察覺到成功的詩可以得到世俗的報酬,李白卻完全不考慮如此的實用價值。第三,儘管當時之人多在詩中建立特別的愛國主義和英雄主義陣線,李白總是夠直率地坦露自己毫無顧忌和未加雕琢的情感和反應。

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#1 不定冠詞

 1.1 中英德語的不定冠詞

一個男人/ a man/ ein Mann (德文陽性名詞用ein)

一個女士/ a lady/ eine Frau (德文陰性名詞用eine)

一個蘋果/ an apple/ ain Apfel (英語母音開頭字前用an,德文無此區別)

一個孩子/ a kid/ ein Kind (德文中性名詞用ein)

*中文沒有所謂的冠詞

 

1.2 英德語不定冠詞基本用法一致

1.2.1 表示「一」、「某一個」

A professor from the University of Foreign Languages visits us.

一位外語大學的教授來拜訪我們。

Ein Professor von der Fremdsprachenhochschule besucht uns.

1.2.2 表示一個群體

A leader mustn’t be divorced from the messes.

領袖不能離開群眾。

Ein Leiter muss sich micht von den Massen losloesen.

1.2.3 表示第一次提到的事物

Last night we went to a movie. The movie was quite interesting.

昨天晚上我們去看電影,那部片相當有趣。

Gestern Abent gingenwir zu einem Film. Der Film war Ziemlich interessant.

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28(240)
Wang Wei was an artist par excellence, never losing sight of his creative talents in watercolor painting while he was writing poetry, thus deserving the praise of posterity in its saying that there was always a picture in his poems. A great lover of natural beauty and enjoyer of leisurely living in his county villa, he was also a devout Buddhist. His love of meditation of scenic beauty, and of pictorial art, is thoroughly reflected in his poetry, thus founding the school of nature poets. Before we examine his nature poetry, let us look at his ballads, which were extremely popular in his lifetime. Since is narrative poems written in the style of ballads were all carefully dated, three of his masterpieces were written before he was twenty-one. In him we see the key of the development of T’ang poetry as Wang Wei trained himself in his younger days as a narrative poet in conformity with the pervading tradition of the so-called new yüeh fu. He left this kind of composition for pure lyrics in the latter part of his life. Similarly, the trend of T’ang poets was first to seek liberation and training in yüeh fu and finally to outgrow this type. The following are among Wang Wei’s best loved shorter poems.
 送別 王維
 失題 王維
 終南別業 王維
 山居秋暝 王維
 竹里館 王維
 酬張少府 王維

29(241)
Wang Wei’s life was enriched by a younger contemporary whose poetry wa more varied and more romantic. Li Po (701?-762?), who was claimed as a native son by many different regions, was born in present-day Shantung Province. All his life a seeker of freedom and a lover of wine, he had joined various groups in living as a recluse. We have noted before that to Tu Fu, Li Po was one of the great Immortals in Wine Drinking. According to the T’ang dynastic History, he was, on one occasion, so completely drunken that he forgot all the basics of court manners and went so far as to order a commander of the imperial guard and a favorite of the emperor to remove his boots.
王維的生命因為後輩李白更富變化和浪漫氣息的詩作而豐富。李白(701?-762?)出生於今山東省,卻被很多地方歸為當地人。李白終其一生都是自由的追尋者、飲酒的愛好者,在他隱居的那段時間,參加過許多團體。我們先前曾提過對於杜甫來說,李白是飲中八仙之一。按照唐書的記載,有一次他醉得太徹底,忘了宮廷基本禮儀,竟然命令宮廷衛士和皇帝的寵臣(高力士)為他拖靴。
Even the unconventional Emperor Hsüan Tsung felt offended by this violation of etiquette and decreed his dismissal. Later, during the An Lu-shan rebellion, he joined the staff of an imperial prince who had been plotting for political independence, and after the collapse of that princely court, Li Po was sent into exile to the far southwest to the country of Yeh Lang. After his eventual parole, he died of intoxication on his way back to the capital. Around the life and death of Li Po so many stories were spun by posterity that probably not a single one was reliable, including the one saying that he lost his ife by plunging into the river in an attempt to grasp the reflected moon, which he felt was even more beautiful than the real one.

30(242)
Probably more than any single individual, Li Po was the epitome and summation of his age, spending his life variously as he did in running away from the crowd to the mountains and forests, in drinking to intoxication at wine shops and the imperial court, in practicing alchemy to attain physical immortality, and in wandering in scenic areas close to rivers and lakes. Distinctly different from his contemporaries who sought eagerly to elevate themselves in the official hierarchy by advertising their talents in poetry writing, Li Po persistently sang in praise of freedom.
安能蹙眉折腰事權貴,使我不得開心顏!

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25(238)
Although Ho Chih-chang did not leave to posterity his compositions written in conformity with popular ballads, many of his contemporaries were experts in ballad writing. One such distinguished poet was Kao Shih (700?-765), a native of Puohai County near the North China Coast, who, when he was young, was not interested in earning his livelihood. He would not even exert himself in the writing of poetry until he had passed the prime of his life. Once he tried his hand at this dynastic art, his success was immediate. His poems were recited far and wide. Bending his nature to accommodate himself in various indifferent secretarial posts, he was finally discovered by Emperor Hsüan Tsung while the latter was in distress.
雖然賀知章沒有留給後代他當時所流行的樂府詩,但當代許多人卻都是樂府詩的專家。有一個特別的詩人,高適(700?-765),生於中國北方靠海的渤海縣,年輕時不事營生,甚至要到過了盛年,才懂得利用寫詩的才能。當他一嘗試創作唐詩,很快就得到成功。他的詩被傳唱千里。由於他違背自己的天性,委身於各種冷漠的官方文書當中,最終在憂患之中被玄宗所發現。
Thence onward he held various high posts until his death in 765. Although his special traits as a poet cannot revealed in translation, they can be summed up briefly as his willingness to benefit from the examples of old ballads and to use the same balladlike and carefree lines in the writing of even lyrical poems, and his experiment with the use of lines of varying length to simulate the irregularity of daily speech. While he aimed at elegance in diction, he did not hesitate in employing slang expressions.
燕歌行 高適
漢家煙塵在東北,漢將辭家破殘賊。
男兒本自重橫行,天子非常賜顏色。
摐金伐鼓下榆關,旌旆逶迤碣石間。
校尉羽書飛瀚海,單于獵火照狼山。
山川蕭條極邊土,胡騎憑陵雜風雨。
戰士軍前半死生,美人帳下猶歌舞。
大漠窮秋塞草衰,孤城落日鬥兵稀。
身當恩遇常輕敵,力盡關山未解圍。
鐵衣遠戍辛勤久,玉筋應啼別離後;
少婦城南欲斷腸,征人薊北空回首。
邊庭飄颻那可度?絕域蒼茫更何有。
殺氣三時作陣雲,寒聲一夜傳刁斗。
相看白刃血紛紛,死節從來豈顧勳?
君不見沙場征戰苦?至今猶憶李將軍。

26(239)
Another poet who had attained great popularity was Ts’ên Ch’an (722?-770?). The fact that his poems, as soon as they were released, would be avidly copied by scribes was probably due to the fact that in them the readers found many new verse forms and new cadences. For example, Ts’ên introduced the new rhyming scheme of a complete change in each triplet.

27(240)
Even more outstanding was Wang Wei (699-759) on account of his many-sided accomplishments. Besides being a major poet, he was also a great pioneer in calligraphy and painting, as well as music. Despite his involvement in politics and his imprisonment by the rebel, An Lu-shan, he seemed to be able to maintain his tranquility through his years of storm and stress until his death in 759.

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25(238)
Although Ho Chih-chang did not leave to posterity his compositions written in conformity with popular ballads, many of his contemporaries were experts in ballad writing. One such distinguished poet was Kao Shih (700?-765), a native of Puohai County near the North China Coast, who, when he was young, was not interested in earning his livelihood. He would not even exert himself in the writing of poetry until he had passed the prime of his life. Once he tried his hand at this dynastic art, his success was immediate. His poems were recited far and wide. Bending his nature to accommodate himself in various indifferent secretarial posts, he was finally discovered by Emperor Hsüan Tsung while the latter was in distress.
雖然賀知章沒有留給後代他當時所流行的樂府詩,但當代許多人卻都是樂府詩的專家。有一個特別的詩人,高適(700?-765),生於中國北方靠海的渤海縣,年輕時不事營生,甚至要到過了盛年,才懂得利用寫詩的才能。當他一嘗試創作唐詩,很快就得到成功。他的詩被傳唱千里。由於他違背自己的天性,委身於各種冷漠的官方文書當中,最終在憂患之中被玄宗所發現。
Thence onward he held various high posts until his death in 765. Although his special traits as a poet cannot revealed in translation, they can be summed up briefly as his willingness to benefit from the examples of old ballads and to use the same balladlike and carefree lines in the writing of even lyrical poems, and his experiment with the use of lines of varying length to simulate the irregularity of daily speech. While he aimed at elegance in diction, he did not hesitate in employing slang expressions.
燕歌行 高適
漢家煙塵在東北,漢將辭家破殘賊。
男兒本自重橫行,天子非常賜顏色。
摐金伐鼓下榆關,旌旆逶迤碣石間。
校尉羽書飛瀚海,單于獵火照狼山。
山川蕭條極邊土,胡騎憑陵雜風雨。
戰士軍前半死生,美人帳下猶歌舞。
大漠窮秋塞草衰,孤城落日鬥兵稀。
身當恩遇常輕敵,力盡關山未解圍。
鐵衣遠戍辛勤久,玉筋應啼別離後;
少婦城南欲斷腸,征人薊北空回首。
邊庭飄颻那可度?絕域蒼茫更何有。
殺氣三時作陣雲,寒聲一夜傳刁斗。
相看白刃血紛紛,死節從來豈顧勳?
君不見沙場征戰苦?至今猶憶李將軍。

26(239)
Another poet who had attained great popularity was Ts’ên Ch’an (722?-770?). The fact that his poems, as soon as they were released, would be avidly copied by scribes was probably due to the fact that in them the readers found many new verse forms and new cadences. For example, Ts’ên introduced the new rhyming scheme of a complete change in each triplet.

27(240)
Even more outstanding was Wang Wei (699-759) on account of his many-sided accomplishments. Besides being a major poet, he was also a great pioneer in calligraphy and painting, as well as music. Despite his involvement in politics and his imprisonment by the rebel, An Lu-shan, he seemed to be able to maintain his tranquility through his years of storm and stress until his death in 759.

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22(236)
The reflection of the spirit of the age on the current philosophy of life was one dedicated to the breaking of all shackles in search of freedom and naturalism. We might use famous poem written by Tu Fu on the “Eight Immortals of Drinking” as a mirror in this regard:
飲中八仙歌 杜甫
知章騎馬似乘船,眼花落井水底眠;
汝陽三斗始朝天,道逢麴車口流涎,
恨不移封向酒泉。左相日興貴費錢,
飲如長鯨吸百川,銜杯樂聖稱世賢。
宗之瀟灑美少年,舉觴白眼望青天,
皎如玉樹臨風前。蘇晉長齋繡佛前,
醉中往往愛逃禪。李白一斗詩百篇,
長安市上酒家眠。天子呼來不上船,
自稱臣是酒中仙。張旭三杯草聖傳,
脫帽露頂王公前,揮毫落紙如雲煙。
焦遂五斗方卓然,高談雄辯驚四筵。

23(237)
This distinguished company, as we can readily see, was representative of high society; a prince royal, a prime minister, a Buddhist, a Taoist, poets and artists. On appearance, the conduct of this group seemed decadent, but decadence, in their case, was actually a protest against accepted rules and customs and a manifestation of a new kind of naturalism as expressed in a life philosophy.

24(237)
The first of these eight immortals, Ho Chih-chang (659-744), was a leading figure in T’ang literature whose biography is worthy of our notice. A native of scenic Kueichi, close to Hangchow, he had enjoyed an immense reputation since young manhood. As he climbed up the hierarchical scale he succeeded in retaining his unconventionality. According to the Old T’ang Dynastic History (Chiu T’ang Shu), besides being romantic in nature and gifted in humorous discussion, he became even more untrammeled toward the end of his life, visiting out-of-the-way lanes and cities and scribbling rolls of poetry after intoxication.
賀知章(659-744)是飲中八仙第一人,是唐代文學的領頭人之一,他的生平也值得我們注意。賀知章生於風景秀麗的會稽,在杭州附近,年輕時候就已享有極大的名聲。由於他爬上了達官階級,得以成功地保持獨特的一面。依照舊唐書的記載,除了天性浪漫、談吐幽默之外,他一直到晚年幾乎都能無拘無束地拜訪街坊小巷、小城市,而且在喝醉酒時完成了許多創作。
Although he seldom revised his writings, his first drafts, were all readable. In 744, as he was suffering fits of dizziness, he memorialized the throne for permission to become a Taoist and to return to his native district where he would donate his own mansion as a Taoist temple. The emperor responded not only with permission but also with poems to bid him farewell. As he departed from the capital all dignitaries from the crown prince down saw him off. He died not long after his return home, in his eighty-sixth year. His life was a reflection of the age in that such an unconventional figure had commanded the profound respect of society at large, indicating that he had lived in a society of extreme liberalism made possible by the termination of authoritarian Buddhism and yet unhampered by anything like the new Confucianist Puritanism that was to rise in the eleventh century. It is, therefore; no coincidence that the remnants of Ho’s poetry, which was not carefully preserved, were indications of the liberal movement in poetry and its tendency to approximate the natural speech of everyday language.
回鄉偶書
少小離家老大回,鄉音無改鬢毛衰。
兒童相見不相識,笑問客從何處來?

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19(235)
It was this kind of uninhibited creative activity that made this reign the golden period of poetry. Poets enthusiastically wrote lyrics for songs. Although they might use old titles they did not feel compelled to adhere to the letters of those titles or to follow the musical pattern of the original composition. Freedom of creation was further extended by the use of themes and cadences of old ballads as well as of current popular songs. It was this forthright experimentation in meter and theme, which had permeated the whole field of poetry writing, that gave the literature of the age of K’ai Yüan and T’ien Pao (713-755) an unusual brilliance.

20(235)
Not only was high society universally interested in the writing of poetry, but even the common people in sparsely populated villages in frontier regions--“wherever water was drawn from wells”—were eager to convert the handiwork of poets into popular songs. The process of enrichment of T’ang poetry by folk literature might be divided roughly into three stages: the leading poets, aware of the value of folklore, wrote in imitation of popular songs; the poets wrote new compositions, often deviation from the original scores as well as from the original themes; freeing themselves from established themes and patterns, the poets created new songs of their own in conformity with the traditional spirit of folk poetry. In this subtle manner there was a greater extent of interpenetration between the creative writing of the T’ang poets and the literary heritage of the common people.

21(236)
This age of liberation of the arts was greatly strengthened by the cumulative effect philosophical naturalism from the age of Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu, on one hand, and by the merging of this naturalism with the spontaneity in Ch’an Buddhism, on the other, Ch’an Buddhism had been introduced from India by Budhidharma (died circa 530) and stressed the importance of contemplation in contrast to dependence on books and ritual. By the middle of the eighth century, Ch’an Buddhism had not only matured but also surprisingly Sinicized. The beginnings of the revolution in Ch’an Buddhism had been set in motion by an illiterate monk from southern china, Hui Nêng (died 713), who had hoisted the banner of rebellion to found the so-called southern sect. One of their shibboleths was “down with the obstructions of letters and rituals.” All that came between the seeker of enlightenment and enlightenment itself was obstructionist in nature and was, therefore, to be completely eliminated. To them, all discipline and procedure purporting to train the prospective convert gradually was regarded as hindrance rather than aid. Even incantations and meditations were regarded as so many shackles because all human beings, according to their belief, were capable of sudden enlightenment and immediate attainment of Buddhahood. This revolutionary movement, which had been started at the turn of the centuries, had amassed such a solid following by the middle of the eighth century that it had come into sharp conflict with the northern orthodoxy and replaced the latter in legal apostolic succession by scoring a universal victory toward the end of the century. This revolutionary movement in Chinese Buddhism was also a great revolutionary in the history of Chinese thought, with its repercussions felt in practically all fields of human activities, art and literature included.

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